



The official blog of the UNCG College Democrats
-Maureen Dowd
Not since Iago and Othello obsessed on the comely Cassio, not since Richard of Gloucester killed his two nephews, not since Nixon and Johnson glowered at the glittering J.F.K., has there been such an unseemly outpouring of boy envy.
Bill Clinton, Jesse Jackson and John Edwards have all been crazed with envy over the ascendance of the new “It” guy, Barack Obama.
Unlike his wife, Bill Clinton — the master of fake sincerity — still continues to openly begrudge his party’s betrothed.
Asked by Kate Snow of ABC News in Africa whether Obama was ready to be president, Clinton gave a classic Clintonian answer: “You could argue that no one’s ever ready to be president.”
As always, the Big Dog was more concerned with himself — asserting that he’s not a racist — than his party. Bill Clinton is not a racist. We can posit that. But he did play subtle racial politics in the primary. It’s way past time for him to accept the fact that there’s a new wunderkind in town.
Just as Bill Clinton looks at Obama and sees his own oblivion, so does Jesse Jackson. As Shelby Steele wrote in The Wall Street Journal, Jackson and his generation of civil rights leaders “made keeping whites ‘on the hook’ the most sacred article of the post-’60s black identity,” equality pursued by manipulating white guilt.
Now John McCain is pea-green with envy. That’s the only explanation for why a man who prides himself on honor, a man who vowed not to take the low road in the campaign, having been mugged by W. and Rove in South Carolina in 2000, is engaging in a festival of juvenilia.
The Arizona senator who built his reputation on being a brave proponent of big solutions is running a schoolyard campaign about tire gauges and Paris Hilton, childishly accusing his opponent of being too serious, too popular and not patriotic enough.
Even his own mother, the magical 96-year-old Roberta McCain, let slip that she thought the Paris Hilton-Britney Spears ad was “kinda stupid.”
McCain’s 2000 strategist, John Weaver, was equally blunt with Newsweek’s Jonathan Alter: “It’s hard to imagine America responding to ‘small ball’ when we have all these problems.”
Some of McCain’s old pals in the Senate are cringing at what they see as his soulless transformation into what he once scorned.
“John’s eaten up with envy,” said one. “His image of himself was always the handsome, celebrity flyboy.
“Now somebody else is the celebrity,” the colleague continued, while John looks in the mirror and sees his face marred by skin cancer and looks at the TV and sees his dashing self-image replaced by visions of William Frawley, with Letterman jokes about his membership in the ham radio club and adventures with wagon trains.
For McCain, being cool meant being a rogue, not a policy wonk; but Obama manages to be a cool College Bowl type, which must irk McCain, who liked to play up his bad-boy cool. Now the guy in the back of the class is shooting spitballs at the class pet and is coming off as more juvenile than daring.
Around the McCain campaign, they grouse that Obama “hasn’t bled.” He hasn’t bled literally, in military service, just like W., the last holder of an E-ZPass who sped past McCain. And he hasn’t paid his dues in the Senate, since he basically just stopped by for directions to the Oval Office.
As a new senator, Obama was not only precocious enough to pounce on turf that McCain had invested years in, such as campaign finance lobbying, ethics reform and earmarks. When Obama did reach across the aisle for a mentor, it was to the staid Richard Lugar of Indiana, not to the salty Republican of choice for Democrats, McCain.
When the Illinois freshman took back a private promise to join McCain’s campaign finance reform effort, McCain told his aide Mark Salter to “brush him back.” Salter sent an over-the-top vituperative letter to Obama. “I guess I beaned him instead,” Salter told Newsweek’s Howard Fineman.
McCain could dismiss W. as a lightweight, but he knows Obama’s smart. Obama wrote his own books, while McCain’s were written by Salter. McCain knows he’s the affirmative action scion of admirals who might not have gotten through Annapolis without being a legacy. Obama didn’t even tell Harvard Law School that he was black on his application.
McCain upbraids Obama for being a poppet, while he’s becoming a puppet. His mouth is moving but the words coming out belong to his new hard-boiled strategist, Steve Schmidt, a Rove protégé, nicknamed “The Bullet” for his bald pate.
Schmidt has turned Mr. Straight Talk into Mr. Desperate Straits. It’s not a good trade.
The GEORGE W. BUSH PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY is now in the planning stages, the Library will include:
The Weapons of Mass Destruction Room, which no one has yet been able to find.
Hurricane Katrina Room, which is still under construction.
The Alberto Gonzales Room, where you won't be able to remember anything.
The Texas Air National Guard Room, where you don't even have to show up.
The Walter Reed Hospital Room, where they don't let you in.
The Guantanamo Bay Room, where they don't let you out.
The National Debt Room, which is huge and has no ceiling.
The Tax Cut Room, with entry restricted only to the wealthy.
The Airport Men's Room, where you can meet some of your favorite Republican Senators.
The Economy Room, which is in the toilet.The Iraq War Room, after you complete your first tour, they make you to go backfor a second, third, fourth, and sometimes fifth tour.
The Dick Cheney Room, in the famous undisclosed location, complete with shotgun gallery.
The Environmental Conservation Room, still empty, but very warm.
The Supreme Court Gift Shop, where you can buy an election.
The Decider Room, complete with dart board, magic 8-ball, Ouija board, dice,coins, and straws. Additionally, the museum will have an electron microscope to help you locate the President's accomplishments.
Admission: Republicans - free; Democrats - $1000 or 3 Euro
Like many Americans, I spent Independence Day enjoying good food, time with my friends (my family is too far away to spend the day with), and fireworks. From my home in Worcester, Massachusetts, I can observe the Fourth of July display at the College of the Holy Cross without even leaving the comfort of my back porch so it's become something of an annual tradition. While observing the stunning pyrotechnics, I began to ponder the political history of our nation, particularly in the context of the current presidential election.
One can hardly read a political discussion forum without encountering comments of vitriol and blind anger towards those who dare to wear the badge of "liberal". So dirty has the word become that even liberals have stopped using it, favoring the more positive spin associated with the moniker "progressive." Naturally, changing the name we call ourselves has done nothing to stop the attacks hurled at us, and we could hardly expect otherwise. A rose by any other name, after all, still smells as sweet. But the question ought not to be "Why didn't changing our name help us," but rather, "Why are we afraid to embrace our beliefs and to wear them proudly?"
Detractors will often cry that liberalism will ruin the country; that we are pacifists bent on seeing our nation destroyed; that we would rather throw our lot in with terrorists and thugs than see America succeed. Yet, we all should comfort ourselves in the knowledge that this sort of diatribe is purely the concoction of the far right and has no basis in historical fact. Everyone who graduated high school could, if they so desired, list some of the greatest achievements liberalism has offered us, but out of habit, they choose not to do so. We liberals must not allow them to forget that our country would not be the beacon of hope for the world that it is today without the liberals of our past
Pro-war conservatives like to tell us that spreading democracy to the Middle East is our solemn duty, and that the citizens there will thank us for it one day. But could we expect our democracy to spread beyond our borders if slavery had not been abolished? Would the world take our "one voice, one vote" concept seriously if women and African Americans had not been granted the right to vote? Could we truly claim to have the answer to the racial strife that still plagues Iraq if we had not integrated our schools, ended racial discrimination in our laws, and abolished the bizarre "separate, but equal" doctrine? These advances in our social laws were all vehemently opposed by conservatives, yet they are the very advances that have made this country great, not just for those granted "greatness" by accident of birth, but for all those others who, left up to conservatives, would never have a chance to touch upon it.
Religious conservatives, oddly the most venom-filled of the group, often make the claim that liberals want to limit their freedom to worship how they choose, yet this argument displays woeful ignorance of our nation's history. In fact, if the more religious among the citizens of the American colonies had their way, there's every possibility we would not have fought the Revolution that guaranteed the very freedom they now take for granted. Some 15-20% of American colonists remained loyal to the British crown, and the largest percentage of that group were members of the Anglican Church, who were so beset by fear of Catholicism, they hailed King George and feared that a religiously free state would allow Catholic dominance to spread.(source) Further, many Quakers refused to join the revolutionary cause, choosing to remain neutral (Gottlieb, 2005.) While it's true that there were also many religious leaders and followers who felt Revolution was a path ordained by God, it is from the religious that some of the greatest dissent could be found. (Ferling, John, "A Leap in the Dark: The Struggle to Create the American Republic (2003)). Indeed, without the progressive mindset, without the belief that the status quo is not something to be maintained purely for tradition's sake, the liberties we have come to enjoy in our great society might never have come to fruition.
Social conservatives, themselves commonly identified as religious conservatives, are simultaneously the simplest and most difficult people to understand. They are fiercely patriotic, and their religion is the backbone of their lives. They are men and women of strong faith and often possess an unyielding work ethic. And certainly, their positions against issues such as abortion and gay marriage come from deeply-held beliefs that define the core of their being. But the justification for these beliefs cannot be found in law. In fact, it is these very conservatives who have, at various points throughout American history, turned their backs on the document that first outlined the liberties we, as citizens of the United States, must demand from our government: "We hold these truths to be self evident: that all mean are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable human rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Yes, for all their complaining that liberals are unpatriotic, it is the conservative movement that has consistently stood in opposition to the idea that all citizens should enjoy the same liberties, the same opportunity to find happiness. From segregation to interracial marriage, from women's rights to gay rights, from voting rights to property rights, conservatives have always stood as roadblocks, demanding that we deny freedom to all those with whom they disagree. These are the people who believe freedom of religion only applies to those who share their religious views, as demonstrated by their unrelenting efforts to codify their beliefs into our national law. It is the liberals, in blocking efforts to allow one religion's doctrine to be imposed upon all our citizens, that have truly guarded our freedoms.
Fiscal conservatives have long held the belief that sound economic policy derives entirely from a supply-side system in which the wealthiest corporations and individuals are granted the greatest tax relief, in the hope that this relief will translate into higher productivity and greater profits, which will then "trickle down" to the masses. The masses, in turn, will spend this money, thereby enhancing the financial position of all players of the game. They fail to realize that supply-side economics has largely failed to deliver on its promise (Karl Case & Ray Fair, Principals of Economics (2007)). Not only did Reagan promise us that the tax cuts he pushed through would actually pay for themselves (which turned out to be untrue), but the most recent incarnation of supply-side economics, offered by President Bush, has yielded higher unemployment and reduced productivity, the very opposite of the intended affect. On the other hand, the liberal economic policies at the heart of Roosevelt's New Deal hauled our nation out of a depression caused by the great concentration of wealth that occurred in the 1920's. More recently, Bill Clinton's economic policies gave us a GNP fully one-fourth of the entire world's output, 4% unemployment (lowest in 40 years) and 15 million new jobs. (source)
Despite all this, I would never argue that conservatives have done nothing to enhance our country. After all, Ross Perot is conservative, and he brought us Bill Clinton.